Whether it was East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) or West Pakistan, it seemed the entire country went crazy for Fatima Jinnah.
The year was 1964 and 71-year-old Fatima Jinnah had become the candidate of the united opposition against Pakistan’s President Ayub Khan in the national elections and was vigorously campaigning.
In a report published on October 30, 1964, about the excitement of this election campaign, Time magazine wrote that about 250,000 people had come to see him in Dhaka.
‘(Approximately) one million people lined the 293-mile route from Dhaka to Chittagong to welcome her (Fatima Jinnah). Her train (named the ‘Freedom Special’) reached its destination 22 hours late, as people at every station pulled the emergency chain and requested her to address them.’
Similarly, according to a report in the New York Times on November 8, 1964, “Fatima Jinnah’s slender, white-clad figure and her wrinkled face were a familiar sight in Pakistan (East and West).”
The news further reported that ‘She appears aloof and almost arrogant, but her smile exudes such warmth and love that anyone becomes helpless in front of it. Her speech in English is almost incomprehensible to the audience, but they listen to her every word with love. The translation that follows her every statement is drowned out by the echo of slogans and applause.’
When she asked the crowd chanting “Mother of the Nation,” “Are you with me?”, their hands would wave in the air with excitement.
Shahid Rashid writes in his book ‘Mother of the Nation, Mohsina of the Nation’ that ‘She was free from the desire to gain power. But she was interested in constitution-making and public rights. Despite remaining apart from power, she would from time to time inform the leadership of that time about their mistakes. The Mother of the Nation severely criticized those who were usurping the rights of the people in the name of democracy, and when the country fell into the clutches of dictatorship, she would also inform the people about its consequences.’
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Politician Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan writes in the preface to Azhar Munir’s book ‘Madir-e-Millat Ka Jamhoori Safar’ that ‘She also strongly opposed Ayub Khan’s martial law and dictatorship. Even despite being so old, she was ready to contest elections against the dictator.’
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, referring to an incident in this regard, wrote, “On one occasion, I told Fatima Jinnah that despite our caution, journalists had reached Flagstaff House (Fatima Jinnah’s residence) by following us. If we could not get out of here and tell them something, then tomorrow the press would publish such news that she had not accepted the offer of the Combined Opposition. This would greatly disappoint the people and would benefit Ayub Khan in his campaign. She kindly accepted our offer. At that time, the representatives of the press were informed of the decision.”
According to Time, “Ayub did not expect that the array of opposition parties, which ranged from clandestine communists to hard-line right-wing Muslims, would unite behind a single candidate. But they did.”
Nawabzada Nasrullah was an active part of these opposition activities.
He writes in the foreword to the book ‘Shama Jamahiriya’, compiled by lawyer Anjum, that when the presidential elections were announced, Ayub Khan’s Law Minister claimed that the opposition would not be able to field its own candidate against him.
‘Five opposition parties formed a political alliance called the Combined Opposition or United Opposition. The meeting was attended by the President of the Muslim League (Council), Khawaja Nazimuddin, the President of the Nizam-e-Islam Party, Chaudhry Muhammad Ali, the President of the National Awami Party, Maulana Abdul Hameed Bhashani and Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri, myself and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Awami League, and Chaudhry Rehmat Elahi from the Jamaat-e-Islami.’
Later, Maulana Abul Ala Maududi represented Jamaat-e-Islami, who was in jail at the time of the first meeting.
According to Nawabzada Nasrullah, although no candidate’s name was considered in the first meeting, most leaders had only two names in mind: one of Mrs. Fatima Jinnah and the other of East Pakistan Governor Azam Khan.
After detailing how all the leaders arrived at the decision to make Fatima Jinnah the presidential candidate and how she agreed to it after taking a two-day respite, Nawabzada Nasrullah wrote that “this decision created an unprecedented passion and excitement in the entire nation.”
To stop Fatima Jinnah’s burgeoning election campaign, it was suddenly announced that the elections would be held on January 2nd and not in March, as previously scheduled.
According to a news report published in the ‘Jang Daily’ on December 1, 1964, the Election Commission issued three notifications in this regard on a single day, announcing the names of the presidential candidates, their election symbols, and the announcement of polling on January 2.
Ayub Khan’s election symbol was ‘Flower’ while Fatima Jinnah’s was ‘Lantern’.
Nawabzada Nasrullah writes that ‘wherever she went, children, young, old, men and women, carrying her election symbol ‘lantern’ in their hands, were there to welcome her on the highways. During her tour of East Pakistan, she barely completed the train journey from Dhaka to Chittagong in three times the scheduled time because millions of people insisted at every station that she address them. People would lie down in front of the train to satisfy their demand to address them.’
The New York Times wrote that “Fatima Jinnah was chosen primarily because she was the sister and confidante of Pakistan’s founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The Pakistani public’s response to her sharp attacks on Ayub’s hardline rule had surprised and troubled the government.”
‘Students across the country staged protests against the government, with most legal organisations coming out in support of Fatima Jinnah, whom Ayub dismissed as a ‘villain’. Newspaper editors, who were generally sympathetic to the government, refused to accept the strict new press laws. ‘What kind of democracy is this? A democracy of one person? A democracy of fifty people?’
‘She criticizes poverty. She speaks out against corruption, especially the rapid rise of Ayub Khan’s eldest son, Gohar, who has given up his army captaincy to take a big position in Gandhara Industries, which bought the General Motors assembly plant from its American owners for a million dollars. Above all, she accuses Ayub of being a dictator… Ayub is indeed a dictator by Western standards. He controls the press and has imprisoned many opponents. Ayub’s constitution, among other things, allowed women to run for office, which he may now regret.’
“Ayub has greatly improved Pakistan’s still-slumping economy. Despite protests from religious conservatives, he promotes family planning to control population. Ayub says that if population is not controlled, man will be forced to eat man in ten years.” As for his son’s career, Ayub said, “I like to see all the young people moving forward.”
The New York Times wrote that ‘Miss Jinnah was clearly getting on Ayub Khan’s nerves. Ayub said, ‘She is an old, recluse and feeble-minded woman. If you vote for her, you will invite chaos.’ While her opponent bluntly said, ‘You cannot achieve stability through coercion, force, and a big stick.’
According to Dr. Rubina Sehgal’s research paper ‘Feminism and the Women’s Movement in Pakistan’ and newspapers of the time, Ayub Khan had described Fatima Jinnah as a woman ‘devoid of femininity and compassion’ during this election campaign.
The then Information Secretary Altaf Gauhar wrote in his book ‘The First Ten Years of Military Rule’ that Ayub Khan, while addressing a press conference in Lahore, accused Miss Jinnah of living a life ‘against nature’ due to her unmarried status, saying that she was ‘surrounded by bad people.’
Ahsan Ali Bajwa’s research titled ‘Mother of the Nation, Fakh Ramlat’ states that the Ayub government also issued fatwas against a woman being the head of the country, and in response to this, Maulana Maududi, while speaking in Karachi, had said that ‘if the nation is not benefiting from men, a woman can become the head of state.’
During this period, a phrase by Maulana Maududi became popular: ‘Ayub Khan has no virtue except that he is a man, and Fatima Jinnah has no defect except that she is a woman.’
Maulana Mufti Muhammad Shafi, the head of Darul Uloom Karachi, issued a fatwa stating that ‘a woman can become the president of a democratic country.’ After initially opposing it, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam also announced its support for Fatima Jinnah.
Khwaja Nazimuddin suffered a heart attack on October 22 due to election fatigue and died the next day. His death was a severe blow to the opposition and Fatima Jinnah described it as a tragedy.
Meanwhile, the election campaign was in full swing when Maulana Bhashani, along with his party, withdrew support for Fatima Jinnah. Former Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajid had claimed during this period that ‘Maulana Bhashani’s treachery prevented Mrs. Fatima Jinnah from getting the votes of Biharis.’
He also alleged that Maulana Bhashani had taken four million rupees from Ayub Khan.
Journalist and anchor Hamid Mir has written in one of his columns, referring to Abdullah Malik’s book ‘Dastan-e-Khanwada Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri’, that Maulana Bhashani traded for Madar-e-Millat Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah for Rs 4 million. ‘He took money from Ayub Khan and cooled down Madar-e-Millat’s election campaign in the areas under his control and did not even give her votes on January 2, 1965. The NAP leadership immediately came to know about Maulana Bhashani’s treachery. Three NAP leaders, Mian Mahmood Ali Kasuri, Khan Abdul Wali Khan and Arbab Sikandar, first reached Dhaka and then Maulana’s village Panj Bibi for investigation and after a long discussion, Maulana Bhashani admitted that he had helped Ayub Khan at the request of Chou En-lai.’
Fatima Jinnah’s polling agent: “Sheikh Mujib had made Madar-e-Millat win in Dhaka and Chittagong, but in the rest of the areas, Bhashani defeated Madar-e-Millat. If Madar-e-Millat had won the majority in East Pakistan and won the elections, perhaps Pakistan would not have broken up. Ayub Khan won the elections and defeated Pakistan.”
Ayub Khan won easily. When Ayub Khan heard the news of his victory, he said, “Thank God! The country is saved.”
Fatima Jinnah said after the election results were announced, “There is no doubt that these elections were rigged.”
Azhar Munir writes in the foreword of his book ‘Madir-e-Millat Ka Jamhoori Safar’ that the members of the electoral body (BD members) were prevented from voting according to the opinion of the people through intimidation and greed. Despite this, thirty thousand members voted for Fatima Jinnah. Democracy lost and dictatorship won.’
Habib Jalib summed it up in one of his poems:
Won through rigging, intimidation, and money
Cruelty won again with the macrofan
Nawabzada Nasrullah writes that ‘If the government machinery in West Pakistan had not been openly rigged and BD members had not been bought on a large scale in East Pakistan, Ayub Khan would have been destined to lose in this election as well. And if direct elections had been held on the basis of adult suffrage, Ayub Khan’s bail would have been forfeited.’
According to lawyer Anjum, those who were supposed to strengthen Ayub Khan’s hand later called him ‘champions of democracy’ and they also requested to make Ayub Khan president for life. Some called Ayub the god of Asia, some Sher Shah Suri, some Muhammad bin Qasim and some Salahuddin Ayubi.
‘Ayub Khan described Fatima Jinnah and her companions as enemies of the ideology of Pakistan and said that their success would create chaos in the country.’
Lawyer Anjum has written that ‘Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto and Makhdoom Syed Zaman Talib-ul-Mullah, the head of Sindh’s important spiritual cadre, also openly campaigned in support of Ayub Khan. Ali Ahmed Talpur, Rasool Bakhsh Talpur of the Talpur family of Sindh openly stood with the Mother of the Nation. Pir Pagada, Muhammad Khan Junejo, Pir of Ranipur, Ghulam Nabi Memon, etc. also supported Ayub.’
“Most of the chieftains of Balochistan were with Ayub Khan and Madar-e-Millat got very few votes from there. Mir Jafar Khan Jamali, however, campaigned vigorously in favor of Madar-e-Millat not only in Balochistan but also in Sindh.”
‘In the Multan division in southern Punjab, Qureshi, Gilani, Khage, Bosan, Kanju, Khakwani, Daha, Bodle, Khachi, Gardezi were all with Ayub Khan, however, Mir Balkh Sher Mazari, Pir Zahoor Hussain Qureshi and Ramzan Dareshk supported Madar Millat. In Bahawalpur division, the majority of Madar Millat supporters won, but Ayub Khan achieved victory with the efforts of Makhdoomzada Hassan Mahmood and other powerful figures. The tricks and manipulations of Nawab Kalabagh also played an important role in Ayub Khan’s success. In Rawalpindi, Raja Zafarul Haq supported Ayub Khan.’
“In Lahore, Mian Meraj Din, Mian Sharif and other important business and political figures were active in supporting Ayub Khan. Ijaz Batalvi, who became the prosecution lawyer in Bhutto’s case 14 years later, remained steadfast in favor of the motherland until the last moment.”
“Chhawar Zahoor Elahi of Gujarat was Ayub Khan’s right-hand man. In Sargodha, Twane, Parache, Noon, Lak, Maken and other important electables were with Ayub Khan. In Gujranwala, Ghulam Dastiger Khan was a strong supporter of Ayub Khan and an indecent incident is also reported regarding him. Chhawar Anwar Bhinder and Rafiq Tarar openly opposed the Mother of the Nation, Rafiq Tarar later became a judge and President of Pakistan. Chhawar Aitzaz Ahsan’s father, Chhawar Ahsan Ali, however, strongly supported the Mother of the Nation. Elected officials from Sheikhupura, Faisalabad and other important cities of Punjab were with Ayub Khan. The same game was played in the border area as well. Many great scholars like Sahibzada Faizul Hassan, Allama Ahmed Saeed Kazmi also issued fatwas against the Mother of the Nation.”
“Maulana Abdul Sattar Niazi was certainly a soldier of the Motherland. In Karachi, Mufti Muhammad Shafi Sahib also did not make a statement in favor of Ayub Khan despite pressure. Munir Niazi, Habib Jalib, Ahmed Mushtaq, Syed Qasim Mahmood, Mahmood Sham and other writers also wrote in favor of the Motherland. Habib Jalib’s poems created a stir in the country.”
Mustafa Malik, in his research article “Who Was Standing Where?”, has explained in detail which politicians, religious leaders, and poets were on which side.
According to him, Governor Amir Muhammad Khan was worried about only a few people, the most prominent of whom were Syed Abul Ala Maududi, Shaukat Hayat, Khwaja Safdar, Chaudhry Ahsan, Khwaja Rafiq, father of Saad Rafiq, Colonel Abid Imam, father of Abida Hussain, and Ali Ahmed Talpur. These people remained with Fatima Jinnah until the last moment.
“All the big families and political figures of the Potohar region were with Ayub Khan, Brigadier Sultan and Malik Akram were with Ayub Khan, except Chaudhry Amir and Malik Nawab Khan who were killed two days after the election.”
‘Fatima Jinnah was also accused of breaking Pakistan. This accusation was made by journalist ZA Sulehri in a report in which reference was made to Miss Jinnah’s meeting with the Indian ambassador. This newspaper was waved at every rally. Ayub kept waving it and calling Miss Jinnah a traitor.’
‘What does Pakistan mean?’ Asghar Soudai, who wrote poems like ‘La ilaha illallah’, wrote qasidahs and anthems for Ayub Khan. Poets Zafar Iqbal and Sarwar Anbalvi and many other poets were busy with the same work. On the other hand, Habib Jalib, Ibrahim Jalees and Mian Bashir were poets of Fatima Jinnah’s rallies. When firing was carried out during the Mianwali rally, Fatima Jinnah stood firm.’
‘In Toba Tek Singh, Ayub Khan and Miss Fatima had equal votes. Miss Jinnah’s agent was M. Hamza. Chaudhry Altaf Fatima of Jhelum was a supporter of Jinnah but backed down after being threatened by Nawab Kalabagh, even though Miss Jinnah’s polling agent came from Gujarat to sign the Jhelum result.’
According to Azhar Munir, the members of the electoral body from Karachi, respecting the opinion of the people, voted for Miss Jinnah with a clear majority.
Former IG Hafiz Sabahuddin Jami, in his book ‘Police, Crime and Politics’, has written about the open interference of the Karachi police in the presidential election against Fatima Jinnah. Jami has written about how a government minister, Abdul Ghaffar Pasha, openly bought votes for Ayub Khan.
Despite this, Fatima Jinnah received 1046 votes from Karachi and Ayub 837. Fatima Jinnah received 353 votes from Dhaka and Ayub 199 votes.
According to Naqvi, “But some magic wand was waved and Ayub Khan won with 67 percent of the vote. The people of Karachi were punished for being the vanguard of Fatima Jinnah and democracy.”
In its January 15, 1965, issue, Time wrote, “Last week a long motorcade passed through the streets of Karachi in celebration of the election of President Muhammad Ayub Khan. Behind, hundreds of sturdy, turbaned men from Ayub’s own border region, waving sticks and firing country pistols with glee.”
“As the long convoy passed through the Liaquatabad area, which was largely populated by Muslim immigrants from India and who had strongly supported Fatima Jinnah, tensions escalated. People got out of trucks and attacked passersby, looted shops and set houses on fire. By the time the riots ended, 33 people had been killed, 300 injured, and more than 2,000 homeless.”
Faiz Ahmed Faiz wrote on this:
No plaintiff, no testimony, the account was cleared.
It was the blood of the dust, the sustenance of the dust
Regarding the massacre of her supporters, Fatima Jinnah bitterly said, “Such barbaric acts cannot be permitted anywhere in the civilized world.”
Time wrote that it was a sad beginning for Pakistan’s first attempt at democracy since Ayub Khan seized power in a military coup in 1958.
